Smoking Guns

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A recent post by blog mem­ber Aac uncov­ered a gem from the deep past–1999, when to the believ­ers in “effi­cient mar­kets”, deregulation–in this case the repeal of the Depres­sion-inspired Glass-Stea­gall Act that pre­vent­ed com­mer­cial banks from oper­at­ing as mer­chant banks and vice-versa–seemed like such a won­der­ful idea.

I don’t see this cri­sis as a con­spir­a­cy, but as a man­i­fes­ta­tion of the endem­ic ten­den­cy in the finan­cial sys­tem to insta­bil­i­ty. How­ev­er, this also involves leg­is­la­tures being per­suad­ed to remove what­ev­er past bounds lim­it the degree of finan­cial reck­less­ness, as the dom­i­nance of the finance sec­tor grows. The repeal of Glass-Stea­gall was the last and arguably most impor­tant “reform” of Depres­sion-era reg­u­la­tion that enabled this cri­sis to reach epochal lev­els.

I’ll add to this page as peo­ple locate more such pieces on the Web.

Fri­day, Novem­ber 5, 1999: CONGRESS PASSES WIDE-RANGING BILL EASING BANK LAWS, New York Times.

Con­gress approved land­mark leg­is­la­tion today that opens the door for a new era on Wall Street in which com­mer­cial banks, secu­ri­ties hous­es and insur­ers will find it eas­i­er and cheap­er to enter one anoth­er’s busi­ness­es.

The mea­sure, con­sid­ered by many the most impor­tant bank­ing leg­is­la­tion in 66 years, was approved in the Sen­ate by a vote of 90 to 8 and in the House tonight by 362 to 57. The bill will now be sent to the pres­i­dent, who is expect­ed to sign it, aides said. It would become one of the most sig­nif­i­cant achieve­ments this year by the White House and the Repub­li­cans lead­ing the 106th Con­gress.

Today Con­gress vot­ed to update the rules that have gov­erned finan­cial ser­vices since the Great Depres­sion and replace them with a sys­tem for the 21st cen­tu­ry,” Trea­sury Sec­re­tary Lawrence H. Sum­mers said. “This his­toric leg­is­la­tion will bet­ter enable Amer­i­can com­pa­nies to com­pete in the new econ­o­my.”

The deci­sion to repeal the Glass-Stea­gall Act of 1933 pro­voked dire warn­ings from a hand­ful of dis­senters that the dereg­u­la­tion of Wall Street would some­day wreak hav­oc on the nation’s finan­cial sys­tem. The orig­i­nal idea behind Glass-Stea­gall was that sep­a­ra­tion between bankers and bro­kers would reduce the poten­tial con­flicts of inter­est that were thought to have con­tributed to the spec­u­la­tive stock fren­zy before the Depres­sion…

The world changes, and we have to change with it,” said Sen­a­tor Phil Gramm of Texas, who wrote the law that will bear his name…

The oppo­nents of the mea­sure gloomi­ly pre­dict­ed that by unshack­ling banks and enabling them to move more freely into new kinds of finan­cial activ­i­ties, the new law could lead to an eco­nom­ic cri­sis down the road when the mar­ket­place is no longer grow­ing briskly…

I think we will look back in 10 years’ time and say we should not have done this but we did because we for­got the lessons of the past, and that that which is true in the 1930’s is true in 2010,” said Sen­a­tor Byron L. Dor­gan, Demo­c­rat of North Dako­ta. ”I was­n’t around dur­ing the 1930’s or the debate over Glass-Stea­gall. But I was here in the ear­ly 1980’s when it was decid­ed to allow the expan­sion of sav­ings and loans. We have now decid­ed in the name of mod­ern­iza­tion to for­get the lessons of the past, of safe­ty and of sound­ness.”

Sen­a­tor Paul Well­stone, Demo­c­rat of Min­neso­ta, said that Con­gress had “seemed deter­mined to unlearn the lessons from our past mis­takes.”

Scores of banks failed in the Great Depres­sion as a result of unsound bank­ing prac­tices, and their fail­ure only deep­ened the cri­sis,” Mr. Well­stone said. ”Glass-Stea­gall was intend­ed to pro­tect our finan­cial sys­tem by insu­lat­ing com­mer­cial bank­ing from oth­er forms of risk. It was one of sev­er­al sta­bi­liz­ers designed to keep a sim­i­lar tragedy from recur­ring. Now Con­gress is about to repeal that eco­nom­ic sta­bi­liz­er with­out putting any com­pa­ra­ble safe­guard in its place.”

Sup­port­ers of the leg­is­la­tion reject­ed those argu­ments. They respond­ed that his­to­ri­ans and econ­o­mists have con­clud­ed that the Glass-Stea­gall Act was not the cor­rect response to the bank­ing cri­sis because it was the fail­ure of the Fed­er­al Reserve in car­ry­ing out mon­e­tary pol­i­cy, not spec­u­la­tion in the stock mar­ket, that caused the col­lapse of 11,000 banks. If any­thing, the sup­port­ers said, the new law will give finan­cial com­pa­nies the abil­i­ty to diver­si­fy and there­fore reduce their risks. The new law, they said, will also give reg­u­la­tors new tools to super­vise shaky insti­tu­tions.

The con­cerns that we will have a melt­down like 1929 are dra­mat­i­cal­ly overblown,” said Sen­a­tor Bob Ker­rey, Demo­c­rat of Nebras­ka…

NOTE: Here’s a nice obser­va­tion, apro­pos the claims today that the cri­sis was caused by the gov­ern­ment pro­mot­ing lend­ing to dis­ad­van­taged groups:

But oth­er law­mak­ers crit­i­cized the pro­vi­sions of the leg­is­la­tion aimed at dis­cour­ag­ing com­mu­ni­ty groups from press­ing banks to make more loans to the dis­ad­van­taged. Rep­re­sen­ta­tive Max­ine Waters, Demo­c­rat of Cal­i­for­nia, said dur­ing the House debate that the leg­is­la­tion was “mean-spir­it­ed in the way it had tried to under­mine the Com­mu­ni­ty Rein­vest­ment Act.” And Rep­re­sen­ta­tive Bar­ney Frank, Demo­c­rat of Mass­a­chu­setts, said it was iron­ic that while the leg­is­la­tion was dereg­u­lat­ing finan­cial ser­vices, it had begun a new sys­tem of oner­ous reg­u­la­tion on com­mu­ni­ty advo­cates…

One Repub­li­can Sen­a­tor, Richard C. Shel­by of Alaba­ma, vot­ed against the leg­is­la­tion. He was joined by sev­en Democ­rats: Bar­bara Box­er of Cal­i­for­nia, Richard H. Bryan of Neva­da, Rus­sell D. Fein­gold of Wis­con­sin, Tom Harkin of Iowa, Bar­bara A. Mikul­s­ki of Mary­land, Mr. Dor­gan and Mr. Well­stone.

Thurs­day, Octo­ber 27, 2005; Page D01, Wash­ing­ton Post: Bernanke: There’s No Hous­ing Bub­ble to Go Bust; Fed Nom­i­nee Has Said ‘Cool­ing’ Won’t Hurt.

Ben S. Bernanke does not think the nation­al hous­ing boom is a bub­ble that is about to burst, he indi­cat­ed to Con­gress last week, just a few days before Pres­i­dent Bush nom­i­nat­ed him to become the next chair­man of the Fed­er­al Reserve.

U.S. house prices have risen by near­ly 25 per­cent over the past two years, not­ed Bernanke, cur­rent­ly chair­man of the pres­i­den­t’s Coun­cil of Eco­nom­ic Advis­ers, in tes­ti­mo­ny to Con­gress’s Joint Eco­nom­ic Com­mit­tee. But these increas­es, he said, “large­ly reflect strong eco­nom­ic fun­da­men­tals,” such as strong growth in jobs, incomes and the num­ber of new house­holds…

“House prices are unlike­ly to con­tin­ue ris­ing at cur­rent rates,” said Bernanke, who served on the Fed board from 2002 until June. How­ev­er, he added, “a mod­er­ate cool­ing in the hous­ing mar­ket, should one occur, would not be incon­sis­tent with the econ­o­my con­tin­u­ing to grow at or near its poten­tial next year.”

Bernanke believes “the Fed’s job is to pro­tect the econ­o­my, not to pro­tect indi­vid­ual asset prices,” said William Dud­ley, chief econ­o­mist for Gold­man Sachs U.S. Eco­nom­ics Research…

A for­mer chair­man of Prince­ton Uni­ver­si­ty’s eco­nom­ics depart­ment, Bernanke earned aca­d­e­m­ic renown for his research on the Fed’s role in caus­ing the Depres­sion.

After the 1929 crash, the Fed mis­tak­en­ly raised inter­est rates to pro­tect the val­ue of the dol­lar, which was then pegged to the price of gold, Bernanke wrote in an Octo­ber 2000 arti­cle in For­eign Pol­i­cy. The high­er rates con­tributed to surg­ing unem­ploy­ment and severe price defla­tion. The Fed then made things worse by not act­ing to counter the cred­it crunch that result­ed from the col­lapse of the bank­ing sys­tem in the ear­ly 1930s.

With­out these pol­i­cy blun­ders by the Fed­er­al Reserve, there is lit­tle rea­son to believe that the 1929 crash would have been fol­lowed by more than a mod­er­ate dip in U.S. eco­nom­ic activ­i­ty,” Bernanke wrote.

In late 2000, look­ing ahead to the pos­si­bil­i­ty of a sharp fall in then-lofty stock prices, Bernanke con­clud­ed, “his­to­ry proves … that a smart cen­tral bank can pro­tect the econ­o­my and the finan­cial sec­tor from the nas­ti­er side effects of a stock mar­ket col­lapse.”

And in words that might come to mind if hous­ing tanks, he said the eco­nom­ic effects of falling asset prices “depend less on the sever­i­ty of the crash itself than on the response of eco­nom­ic pol­i­cy­mak­ers, par­tic­u­lar­ly cen­tral bankers.”